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July 13, 2006

Who Won?
Cliffhanger South of the Border
By Jack D. McNamara


Throughout the entire past week some of us watched with fascination as the Mexican nation went to the polls to select a new president and congress.

The result was a cliffhanger, not yet resolved, with charges of fraud and worse. Massed crowds met in the ancient Zocalo plaza at the heart of Mexico City. International nannies pleaded for adherence to the rule of law and the tradition of acceptance of the result.

Felipe Calderón and his PAN party were declared the winner of the election which involved more than 41 million votes. Calderón, the energy minister of the current Vicente Fox administration received about a third of the vote, about 240,000 more than his principal rival, Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the PRD party, who also received about a third. We are approximate because the result has not yet been completed.

Roberto Madrazo of the PRI, the party which monopolized power for 71 years, “the perfect dictatorship” in the words of a Peruvian writer, ran third with 22%.

The results in the Mexican Congress were approximately the same as shares of the total vote. No party has a majority of either house.

The superficial response of many Americans was to see this as just another Latin American mockery of democratic process, men with guns determining what comes out of ballot boxes.

But that would be false.

There is indeed a serious movement by that sector of the Mexican nation which is most discontented with the economy and the politics of globalization. López Obrador’s “perredistas” are located mainly in the south, farmers rather than industrialists, small businesses rather than multinational extensions. The principal power of the PAN is located in booming cities of the north such as Monterrey.

Felipe Calderón ran as a whole-hearted supporter of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). López Obrador vowed to renegotiate parts of the NAFTA deal, particularly that part which has lowered tariffs on agricultural products and especially as concerns corn and beans. That tariff expires in two years.

Which means the richly subsidized U.S. based agricultural multinationals will then crush the Mexican corn and bean market. Prior to NAFTA, in the old PRI days, corn and beans, and the small farmers who produced them, were shielded by high tariffs, government regulation and massive PRI boodling. The PRI won elections by selectively raising or lowering the price of corn or beans for its political benefit.

A few days after the Sunday, July 2, election Calderón stated publicly that maybe the Mexican government he was going to try to lead ought to take a look at corn, beans and NAFTA.

Corn, we humbly remind our readers, was invented by Mexicans. For more than a thousand years the mainly Indian small farmers of southern Mexico have fed themselves and the nation. What Mexico does about corn is an important national interest as important as Japanese rice and soybeans. (Yes, dear “free market” reader, the Japanese protect their rice farmers with tariffs which keep out cheaper rice from all over Southeast Asia.)

About 60% of Mexico voted so Calderón will have to govern with less than 24% of the Mexican voters consent and a fractured Congress.

That is, if he governs at all. López Obrador is taking to the courts, as no presidential contestant has ever done since Mexico established this particular system in 1992. Elections are conducted by the Federal Electoral Institute but the results may be appealed to an election tribunal of judges (www.trife.org.mx). The same establishment which staffed the election voting apparatus also staffs the court tribunal so the PRD cannot have overwhelming confidence in altering the outcome.

Last Saturday López Obrador peaceably assembled as many as 280,000 supporters and as few as 120,000, depending on reports. The international nannies are tut-tutting that this and previous similar actions by López Obrador show that he is reckless and does not accept the “rule of law.”

The “rule of law” in Mexico is similar to that in Florida and Brewster County. When outlaws rob you you may go to the sheriff but when lawyers rob you you are supposed to sit down and shut up. López Obrador and the more than almost 15 million people who supported him are being told to shut up or — heaven forfend — they might endanger NAFTA.

Readers of the Big Bend Sentinel were advantaged to read a report directly from Mexico and the Zocalo by former Sentinel reporter Dan Keane. The Presidio International carried reports in Spanish from Notimex and Excelsior. The Nimby News posted Internet links to El Universal. Major U.S. media detached a platoon of reporters to Mexico.

The election irregularities were fully documented in these reports and include — the misconduct of Mexican President Vicente Fox in the use of his office as President to influence the outcome of the election, specifically illegal in Mexico; more votes than voters at 781 precincts; voter turnout exceeded more than 100% in some precincts; more votes than ballots were counted in 52,000 tallies; registered PRD voters were denied the right to vote; completed ballots were found in garbage near Mexico City; vote-buying and armed intimidation in Tamaulipas; PRD Web sites hacked; two PRD election officials were murdered in Guerrero state; international and national observers reported numerous irregularities; the use of social programs to coerce votes; a telephone tape recording of a corrupt arrangement; accusations that the Electoral Commissions computers were programmed to produce a PAN victory … and more.

Mexico has a system in place to investigate and determine the validity of the PRD charges. We will wait to see what is done, if anything. But it would be wrong to condemn the Mexican elections as typical Latin corruption. Even at its worst the election compares favorably with the presumed gold standard of American democracy. It is a messy business at best, anywhere.

Why should we care? The Mexican farmers whose lives have been disrupted by the government-subsidized NAFTA imports are no longer on their central and southern Mexican farms. They are risking the long trek north to cross the border into the U.S. where they can make a living laboring for American agribusiness, thus creating a crisis for a forthcoming American election.

What goes around comes around. •